Mar 1, 2013

Travails of the Sulu Sultanate

It is quite a sad commentary that the once-mighty royal house of Sulu has had to resort to what Malaysians see as extra-legal means to impose what it steadfastly believes as a simple misinterpretation of a treaty signed over a century ago that has led to decades-long injustice.


Unlike the nine sultanates under the federal states of Malaysia, unfortunately, the Sulu sultanate and its other counterparts in Mindanao, the Maguindanao and Maranao royal houses, have not been accorded a distinct legal status in the country’s geopolitical set-up.

Just how mighty was the Sulu sultanate? Consider this: in 1417 Sultan Paduku Batara of Jolo visited Zhu Di, the third emperor of the Ming Dynasty (best known as the Yongle emperor) at the reestablished Imperial Palace in Beijing. Batara brought with him 300 of his followers including his sons Dumahan, Wenhala and Andulu. This visit was intended to strengthen trade relations between China (given her vast supplies of porcelain and ceramics traded in all of Asia and the Arab world at the time) and Sulu, which was right along the sea trade route that Chinese merchants were navigating since around AD 900.

On his way back to Sulu, however, the sultan fell ill and died in Dezhou, Shandong Province. His remains and those of his sons Wenhala and Andulu who stayed behind with him (eventually siring generations that still exist today) are still there in Shandong, where an epitaph appropriately commemorates his visit. Emperor Yongle himself reportedly ordered a period of mourning to mark the untimely demise of what would have been a commercial partner in the burgeoning maritime trade in ceramics, iron and silk in exchange for gold, beeswax, slaves and other priced commodities from islands in southeast Asia. Trade relations did not die with the sultan, however, as Dumahan, his eldest son, returned with his escorts to Jolo, taking over his late father’s throne.

That the Sulu sultanate was welcomed into the Forbidden City in Beijing is testament to its standing in the maritime trading community of the time and of its wealth and resources, coming all the way from faraway Sulu just to enkindle ties with China. The Yongle reign, incidentally, is best remembered as the period when Admiral Zheng He (or Cheng Ho) embarked on a period of exploration, between 1405 and 1433) that brought hundreds of Chinese ships to Southeast Asia, India, the Middle East and parts of Africa.

The might of the sultanate would be seen continuously during much of the Spanish period as Jolo increasingly emerged as the center of slave trading from the 1600s to around the 1860s, without the sultanate being directly involved, as it were, in the raids that were devastating coastal settlements in the Visayas and Luzon. The story goes that these raids were actually carried out by a band of Muslims from the Lanao area of Mindanao who had moved to the Sulu archipelago, somewhere near Basilan, in the island of Balangingi. These people evacuated to the area following a devastating volcanic eruption or some cataclysmic event. A kind of tacit agreement seemed to have then there emerged between the sultanate and the men of Balangingi wherein Jolo would become “drop-off” point for all captives to be sold to buyers from all over the region.

At was at this point, some time in the early 1600s, when Spanish authorities became keenly interested in subjugating the sultanate, if only to end the decimation of settlements, most of whose native inhabitants had had recently converted to Christianity only to be captured and sold into life-long slavery. At least two important military campaigns were eventually carried out toward this end, one in the 1638 (the Corcuera military expedition to Jolo) and the other in 1848 (the mildly successful Claveria military expedition). The latter, while successful in defeating the Balangingi raiders and in placing the Sulu Sultanate on the verge of subjugation, strangely ended with Gov. Gen. Narciso Claveria leaving post-haste for Manila after routing the Moro fleet, without establishing a permanent foothold in Jolo. It took other governors-general to continue the drive to bring the sultanate under Spanish rule even as the French and the British were offering huge sums of money to the reigning sultan, Jamalul A’lam, to buy or lease whole islands of the Sulu archipelago, including that of Basilan.

In 1878, two treaties were eventually concluded by A’lam, one with the British to lease (‘padjak’, see my column last week) and another, a peace agreement with the Spanish resulting in the establishment of a Spanish fort/garrison in Siasi, occupying about 6 hectares of the area, in exchange for recognition by Spain of the sultanate and rent in the amount of 1,500 Mexican silver pesos annually. When the Americans arrived in Jolo in 1899 to claim the garrison (which the Spaniards, perhaps to spite the Americans, hastily gave to the sultanate), the reigning head, Sultan Jamalul Kiram II, insisted that a separate treaty be drawn as the Americans were a different entity from the Spaniards. This agreement became known as the Bates Treaty of 1899 (named after the American Gen. John Bates who led the negotiations) where America promised to pay rent to the sultanate in exchange for quelling Moro resistance.

A few more agreements followed the wake of this treaty, and this column is too short to tackle them one by one. This came as the Sultanate was left in the 1930s without a clear heir as Jamalul Kiram II died without any children. While a succession struggle ensued, new players emerged as the post-war years marched on, marked most especially by the ascendance of the Tausug-dominant Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari, which challenged the traditional governing role of the sultanate. It was at that point that president Ferdinand Marcos in 1973 propped up the sultanate once again, giving it due recognition to use it to serve as the alternative power center amid the growing MNLF threat at the time.

Since then, given its long history and its status as a distinct though hitherto silent corporate entity in the Sulu archipelago, the sultanate, in asserting what it thinks is fully justified, has finally emerged from the shadows. I do not think this impasse will end pretty soon even if those in Lahad Datu will be convinced to return to Jolo. Rather, this is just the beginning of another chapter in the colorful journey of the Royal House of Sulu. - source

The Sulu-Sabah saga

Jamalul Kiram III, Sultan of Sulu in the southern Philippines, is in Manila ailing and undergoing dialysis. Meanwhile hundreds of his followers are lying low in the village of Tanduao in Lahad Datu in Sabah, Malaysia. Having arrived there by swift boats, they intend to stay there for keeps, unless the sultan recalls them.


Sabah once clearly belonged to the Sultanate of Sulu. To the sultan and his followers, that has not changed. The government of Malaysia isn’t amused. In defence of its sovereignty over Sabah it would deport the “intruders” from Sulu, using armed force if needed.

It’s sad that the claim of the Sulu Sultanate to Sabah has come to this. A monkey wrench in the relations between the Philippines, of which Sulu is a province, and Malaysia, of which Sabah is a state. The butt of mindless assertions by grandstanding politicians, pundits and hecklers.

To me it’s sad that Jamalul Kiram III, Sultan of Sulu, is now an ailing, angry old man. I remember him as healthy, forbearing and in good humour. I talked with him for most of a day in 1988 — I’m sure it was 1988 because my son Jamaal was born early that year and Jamalul was pleased to have him as his namesake.

Jamalul confided that the lease money that Malaysia paid regularly was something like a curse: there wasn’t much of it and so many members of the royal clan claimed a share of it and there was no pleasing them. He said he was considering negotiating for a substantial lump sum that could make a difference to the lives of his followers and being done with the sultanate’s proprietary rights to Sabah. He said nothing about sovereignty rights.

I haven’t seen him since that interview. Since then he has changed his mind. He has every right to do that. I only hope he has not fallen prey to political interests seeking to disrupt the peace process brokered by Malaysia between the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the government of the Philippines.

The Philippine claim to sovereignty over Sabah is no joke. It has a documented legal basis. In 1685 the Sultan of Brunei gifted sovereignty over Sabah to the Sultan of Sulu for the latter’s help in defeating what would have been a successful rebellion. In 1878, the Sultan of Sulu signed a document “leasing” Sabah to a British company for a sum to be paid in perpetuity. Over the years, the British government succeeded the company and was in turn succeeded by the Malaysian government as administrator to Sabah, which had meanwhile become a state of Malaysia.

According to Malaysia, the word “padjak” in the document meant “to cede,” and on that basis it exercised sovereignty over the territory. But it continues to respect the proprietary rights of the Sultan of Sulu over the territory; that’s why it keeps paying the Sultanate money that the latter, interpreting “padjak” differently, considers “rental” for the use of territory over which it had sovereignty. That “sovereignty” has been passed to the Philippine government.

The dispute has led to convulsions of history: a bungled Philippine plot to invade and annex Sabah, and a secessionist rebellion in Mindanao helped at its launching by Malaysia. Between the Philippine government and the secessionists, there have been peace talks and agreements, the latest having been brokered, ironically, by Malaysia — but the controversy survives.

I don’t know how the issue will be resolved. I trust the two governments will settle it through diplomacy or adjudication, while considering the wishes of all concerned, including the Sultan of Sulu and the people of Sabah — otherwise neither government deserves to be part of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that calls itself a politico-security community.

Neither should ignore the Sultanate. It once helped shape the history of the region. It deserves some respect even today. — thejakartaglobe.com (By Jamil Maidan Flores)

Manila asks Kuala Lumpur to extend deadline

MANILA, Philippines—The Philippines has asked Malaysia to extend by “several days” the grace period it has given to armed followers of the sultan of Sulu to leave Sabah peacefully.


Malaysian security forces were set to end the standoff on Wednesday as the group ignored last-minute attempts by Malaysian and Philippine authorities to get them to leave the village of Tanduao in Lahad Datu town peacefully and return to Sulu.

The group, led by Agbimuddin Kiram, a brother of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III, remained defiant and had rejected the latest request by President Aquino and Malaysia’s emissaries, although three deadlines given to them were extended, with the last ending on midnight Wednesday.

There were reports that military troops had replaced the police forces encircling Tanduao, but the fresh Philippine request for an extension of the grace period may have delayed action to round up the sultan’s followers.

President Aquino appealed to Jamalul on Tuesday to order his followers home or “face the full force of the law.”

Aquino reminded Jamalul that under the Constitution, the Philippines renounced war as a policy to assert territorial claims.

The President said he had ordered a study of the Philippine claim to Sabah.

On Wednesday Jamalul told reporters that he was thankful about the presidential order to study the Sabah claim, but resentful of the threat thrown at him.

“What crime did I commit?” he asked.

“I did not order my brother to go to Sabah. It’s their own free will to go there and to settle down there, believing that the area is part of their homeland,” he said.

Sultan angry

Jamalul said he was angry with the way the Aquino administration was handling the Sabah question.

“I am angry right now because we are being taken for granted,” he said.

Jamalul’s wife, Princess Fatima Cecilia Kiram, said the family was offended that the President questioned the legality of Jamalul’s reign as sultan of Sulu.

She said Aquino’s questioning the lineage of Jamalul on Tuesday was made out of “ignorance and incompetence.”

“I’m really sad [about] the ignorance and incompetence. But I cannot fault the government for its ill-advised (stand on the Sabah question). They didn’t study their lesson well,” she said.

She said that instead of making threats, Malacañang should send an official representative to the Kirams and start the formal talks with Malaysia.

Come home, we talk

But Malacañang said the President was unwilling to talk with Jamalul as long as the sultan’s followers were in Sabah.

“You don’t hold a gun to my head and negotiate. You know, it’s like you’re putting a gun to my head and telling me, ‘Let’s talk.’ That’s not the way decent people do negotiations. You want us to know your claim, you cooperate,” presidential spokesman Edwin Lacierda told a news briefing at the Palace on Wednesday.

“The President has said, ‘Come back home and we will talk.’ But you’re asking me to talk to you while [your] people are in Sabah [and] there’s a [possibility of] violence. That’s not acceptable to us,” Lacierda said.

He said the government could not be faulted if the defiance of Jamalul resulted in violence in Sabah.

“We have sent emissaries. We’ve asked the Malaysians to extend the deadline. We will continue to press for a peaceful resolution, but the ball is in their court,” Lacierda said.

The latest Philippine request for an extension of the deadline went through on Tuesday evening, just as the third extension ended, according to Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario.

“I put through a request for another extension. I said we should be given more time precisely for processing that information, to give the Kirams a chance to think about what the President had said,” Del Rosario said, referring to Aquino’s message to Jamalul that he call his followers home or face the consequences of his action under Philippine laws.

Del Rosario said he did not specify the length of the fresh extension.

“I asked for several days,” he said.

He described the situation in Lahad Datu as “quiet,” probably due to the Philippines’ request for a fresh extension of the deadline.

Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) spokesman Raul Hernandez reiterated the government’s appeal to Jamalul to call his followers home.

“What we hope to happen is that [Jamalul Kiram] will order his people to leave Lahad Datu, take care of their safety, welfare and security because we don’t want anybody to get hurt or to die [there],” Hernandez said.

Where’s ship?

“The ball is now in the court of the sultan of Sulu and it is his responsibility to make sure that no harm will happen to his people who are in Lahad Datu. And the only way to do this is to order them to withdraw and come back to their homes in Mindanao,” he said.

The government has a ship standing by at Tawi-Tawi to pick up followers of the sultan who will decide to leave Tanduao and return home.

Confusion about the location of the vessel placed it off Sabah waters, but the DFA clarified on Wednesday that the ship was still in Tawi-Tawi awaiting diplomatic clearance to sail to Lahad Datu.

Del Rosario himself said Malaysia had yet to respond to the Philippine request to clear the ship to dock at Lahad Datu.

Military steps in?

Acting Gov. Mujiv Hataman of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, one of the government’s emissaries to the Kiram clan, said Wednesday he was verifying reports that military troops had replaced Malaysian police in Tanduao.

He said that if the information was correct, it meant Malaysia was set to end the standoff by arresting Agbimuddin and his group and deporting them.

Hataman said the Aquino administration wanted to avoid bloodshed, but the Kirams continued to reject appeals to them to leave Sabah peacefully.

He said that if the Kirams ended the standoff peacefully, they could expect the government not to take any action against them.

But the Philippine National Police chief said on Wednesday that Jamalul’s followers would be immediately arrested if they returned from Sabah with their firearms.

PNP Director General Alan Purisima said the police were “on top of the situation” and had sent teams to secure the senior members of the Kiram family.

Purisima said the PNP was also monitoring the movements of the supporters of the Kirams to prevent an escalation of the tension in Sabah.

“We are preventing more people from going to Sabah to ease the tension. The problem is Kiram’s followers went there carrying firearms,” he said.

If they returned still carrying their firearms, they would be arrested immediately, he said.

“They will be charged with illegal possession of firearms and [for violating the election gun ban]. They can be arrested at once since the crime is being committed in the presence of law enforcers,” Purisima said.

Set to end standoff

Malaysia’s Deputy Police Inspector General Kahlid Abu Bakar said security forces might carry out the forced deportation procedure within 24 hours from Wednesday.

“We are set to end the standoff,” he told the Malaysia Chronicle newspaper.

Gunshots were heard in Tanduao, according to reports published in Malaysian newspapers Wednesday.

The reports said Sabah Police Commissioner Hamza Taib heard the gunshots.

But Hamza said the gunshots did not come from the security forces surrounding the village.

“They may be aimed at animals or warning shots [from the Tausug],” Hamza said, referring to Agbimuddin and his group.

Ready for attack

Hamza confirmed that military units had joined the security forces encircling Tanduao in preparation for the arrest of the “intruders.”

But he said there was no actual order yet to proceed with the arrest of the group from Sulu.

Hamza said the security forces would never strike a compromise with Agbimuddin’s group.

In a phone conversation with the Malaysian newspaper The Star on Tuesday, Agbimuddin said his group was ready to face an attack.

“We are fine. We expect the Malaysian forces to attack today. We are ready to defend ourselves, we are not afraid,” Agbimuddin said.

Asked why he thought the group would be attacked, he replied: “Because it is shown on TV and was on the radio that the deadline is over. We are not afraid because we know we are right. This is our land.”

Asked if he was not afraid as he had only about 30 armed men, Agbimuddin said: “We are prepared, we are waiting. We will not attack (but) we will defend ourselves.”

Open to negotiations

In an interview with Radyo Inquirer 990AM on Wednesday, Agbimuddin said he was open to negotiations with the Malaysian government to end the standoff peacefully.

“We really want negotiations, so long as our rights are not taken away from us,” Agbimuddin said in Filipino.

Reacting to President Aquino’s threat to arrest those responsible for the crisis and bring charges against them, Agbimuddin said: “Why should we be arrested? What crime did we commit? We believe we have committed no crime under Philippine laws, as we are doing what we believe is right. I believe there is no law against fighting for what is right.”—With reports from Frances Mangosing and Maila Ager, Inquirer.net; Julie Alipala and Allan Nawal, Inquirer Mindanao; and The Star/Asia News Network

The riches of Sabah

Half a century after the Philippine government formally staked its claim to Sabah in behalf of the Sultanate of Sulu, the history of that claim may yet take an ugly turn following the standoff between the followers of Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III, who have been holing up in Sabah to press their claim to it, and Malaysian authorities.


Holed up in Lahad Datu since Feb. 12, some 180 armed and unarmed followers of Kiram face possible arrest for defying President Aquino’s appeal to return to the Philippines. They also face violent extraction should the Malaysian authorities decide to use force to remove them.

No comparison. Chart shows the disparity between the Philippines’ income of P440 million a year from oil production for the period 2012 to 2015 compared to Malaysia’s royalty of about P12.5 billion a year from Sabah’s oil production.

No comparison. Chart shows the disparity between the Philippines’ income of P440 million a year from oil production for the period 2012 to 2015 compared to Malaysia’s royalty of about P12.5 billion a year from Sabah’s oil production.

The issues are sensitive, convoluted and involve the basis and motivation of the claim, the heirs, the payment of rental fees, and Malaysia’s role in the government’s peace deal with the Muslims in Mindanao.

The heirs of the Sultanate of Sulu had previously indicated that they wanted an increase in the annual “rental fees” that they had been receiving from the Malaysian government, which is 5,300 Malaysian ringgit or roughly P70,000.

One of the Sultan’s sons, Abdula Kiram, once lamented how measly the annual rental was compared to the billions of dollars that Sabah had been generating for the Malaysian government.

Hence, the Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III and his followers could be eying a piece of the oil and gas pie that Malaysia has been monopolizing.

Sabah is just a fourth of the Philippines’ landmass, yet it is richly blessed with oil and gas, contributing 14 percent of Malaysia’s natural gas and 30 percent of its crude oil reserves.

Sabah’s oil and gas industry has been operating for over 30 years, and in 2009 its oil and gas were the biggest contributor to the island’s gross domestic product.

Sabah’s oil reserves were calculated at 1.5 billion barrels in 2011, but new oilfields have been discovered since to raise the estimate substantially. The island’s gas reserves have been estimated at 11-trillion cubic feet, with four new oilfields being found in the waters in the last two years.

In 2011 statement a Dr. Hiew King Cheu claimed that, as of March 31, 2011, Sabah had 15 oil wells producing as much as 192,000 barrels a day. At that output, he said, Sabah was actually producing the equivalent of P696 million a day.

“If the petroleum royalty payable to Sabah is 5 percent, then it would come up to [P12.5 billion] per year,” for crude alone, Cheu said.

By contrast, the Philippines produces only 6,000 barrels of oil daily, according to data from the Energy Department. In 2012 the Philippines produced 1.64 million barrels of oil of which the Galoc oilfield accounted for 1.482 million barrels, which was 29-percent lower than the previous year.

The country’s biggest source of crude oil, the Galoc oil field, is expected to contribute P1.74 billion to the national coffers from 2012 to 2015, which is a far cry from Malaysia’s 5-percent yearly estimated royalty of about P12.5 billion from Sabah’s oil production.

With billions in existing and potential windfall from Sabah’s natural resources, it is apparently clear how much of a “national interest” Sabah is to any controlling entity. - source

What’s inside Kiram’s lost letter to Aquino

What was in that letter so that Sultan Jamalul Kiram III could say that had the President paid attention to it, he and his followers would not have taken matters in their own hands?


It was lost not in translation but in the appreciation of its urgency and significance.

That is what happened to the letter sent to President Aquino in 2010 by Agbimuddin Kiram, crown prince of the sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo, expressing his clan’s stand on the Philippine claim to the eastern Malaysian state of Sabah and the peace process in Muslim Mindanao.

After congratulating and expressing his clan’s support for the new Aquino administration, Agbimuddin informed Aquino about the creation of the Interim Supreme Royal Ruling Council (ISRRC) under the sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo as a result of the series of consultations in Simunul, Tawi-Tawi; KM-4 Indanan, Sulu; and Kawit, Zamboanga City, on June 20, 25 and 26, 2010.

There is probably another reason why the letter got lost in Malacañang.

The letter was dated June 28, 2010, two days before Aquino took his oath as President. Technically, then, he was not yet officially the sitting President.

The letter was coursed through the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (Opapp) but since Secretary Teresita Deles had not yet assumed office at the time, another officer there received the letter and it was this officer who decided it was “not urgent.”

Dismissed as such, the letter was relegated to the pile of papers deemed not needing presidential attention.

The Opapp officer who made the decision was considered an expert in Muslim affairs.

After the Sabah standoff began three weeks ago and the letter was mentioned in the early reports of the Inquirer, a source in Malacañang said the President inquired about it. Aquino was reportedly disappointed to learn that no one kept the letter or a copy of it.

The same source, who asked not to be identified, quoted the President as saying: “Next time, when a letter is addressed to me, give it to me so I can read it.”

Seeking guidance

Specifically, Agbimuddin in the letter asked for guidance from the new President on what course of action the ISRRC should take, especially involving the Sabah claim.

“With highest esteem, may we inform His Excellency that during the consultation process, we asked our supporters what action, under the guiding light of your administration, the ISRRC of the sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo would take or adopt anent the Sabah issue, which became the national contract between the government of the Philippines and the sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo pursuant to the filing of such claim in the United Nations against Great Britain and Malaysia in 1962,” Agbimuddin said.

Anticipating Aquino’s participation in international forums such as the annual Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) leaders’ summit, Agbimuddin stated his clan’s position on the Sabah claim to guide the President in discussions on the issue in meetings with representatives of Malaysia.

International forums

Agbimuddin wanted Aquino to articulate two points for the clan: The special power of attorney given by the sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo to the Philippine government was revoked in August 1989 for lack of political will to push forward the claim by previous administrations from the time of then President Diosdado Macapagal, and the ISRRC had been legally established instead, taking over all actions pertinent to the Sabah claim.

Agbimuddin was appointed chairman of the ISRRC by his elder brother, the sultan, in June 2010.

Ignored for five decades

Abraham Idjirani, secretary general and spokesman of the sultanate of Sulu, said the appointment of Agbimuddin as ISRRC chairman was the basis for the crown prince’s exercising “authority” over Sabah, thus the six-hour “journey back home” to Sabah on Feb. 11 (most reports date the Sabah trip to Feb. 9).

In his letter to Aquino, Agbimuddin expressed his clans’ exasperation at being ignored through five decades of the discussions of the Sabah claim.

Agbimuddin said the heirs of the sultanate suspected that vested interests in the previous administrations were behind the claim’s being denied the attention it deserved.

The letter ended with the clan’s expression of hope of seeing “a change in the treatment of the Sabah issue” under Aquino’s administration.

Agbimuddin also said any treatment of the Sabah claim must be “consistent with the laws of the Philippines” and in consideration of the sultanate’s “legal, historic rights, cultural traditions and heritage.”

First united decision

Jamalul himself wrote to the President in 2011 and in 2012. When the sultanate received no response, the Kiram brothers met in November last year and agreed to the issuance of a “royal decree” authorizing Agbimuddin’s journey home to Sabah.

Idjirani said it was the first united decision of the Kiram brothers.

“They may have argued many times on policies and actions but the sultan and his brothers were never at odds as to their stance that Sabah belongs to the sultanate of Sulu,” Idjirani said. - source

Feb 28, 2013

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Festering for decades, Sabah question becomes news


The tug-of-war over Sabah is not as competitive as the cartoon makes it appear, but the sultan of Sulu has leveraged his time in the limelight to dare Malaysia authorities to draw blood before a global audience. Despite the Sultanate's claim over the resource-rich island that spans centuries, the Sultan's followers who have settled in Sabah are considered aliens.

DFA sends senior diplomat to Malaysia amid Sabah standoff

The Department of Foreign Affairs has sent a senior diplomat to Kuala Lumpur to help deal with the tense standoff between Malaysian forces and a group of Filipinos who were deployed by a royal Muslim clan to reclaim Malaysian-controlled Sabah.


Foreign Undersecretary for Special Concerns Jose Brillantes was dispatched to Malaysia on Monday “to help out in the coordination work with Malaysian authorities in order to bring this issue to a peaceful and expeditious conclusion,” Foreign Affairs spokesman Raul Hernandez told a press briefing Tuesday.

“Being a former ambassador to Malaysia, he [Brillantes] will have some contacts and he will be able to coordinate well with the Malaysian authorities to be able to achieve the objective of bringing our people back in to their respective homes in Mindanao,” Hernandez said.

Hernandez hinted that Brillantes may be sent to Lahad Datu off eastern Malaysia, where the group is holed out for more than two weeks and which had been cordoned off by Malaysian forces.

“Undersecretary Brillantes will be in Kuala Lumpur for now but he could be instructed to do other things,” he said.

Sultan of Sulu Rajah Mudah Agbimuddin Kiram sent around 180 of his followers, including women and 30 armed security escorts, on Feb. 12 to the resource-rich territory they claim as their own, creating a diplomatic crisis between the Philippines and Malaysia.

Sabah, located south of Mindanao, is territorially disputed by the Philippines and Malaysia. A Philippine claim for sovereignty over Sabah has lain dormant for decades, but Malaysia continues to pay a yearly rent to the heirs of Sultan of Sulu, who claim to be the descendants of the original Filipino sultan who had control over the territory for centuries.

Kiram’s followers are regarded as intruders by Malaysian authorities but extended thrice a deadline for them to leave peacefully.

PNoy' appeal

Earlier in the day, President Benigno Aquino III called on Kiram on national television to withdraw from the area to prevent an outbreak of violence as he warned of legal action against him, his followers and collaborators.

The crisis erupted at a time when the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front are negotiating for a Malaysian-brokered peace deal aimed at ending decades of rebellion in strife-torn Mindanao.

Manila has put a naval vessel on standby off Sibutu Islands off Tawi-Tawi to pick up those Filipinos in the group who want to leave as negotiations with Malaysian authorities continue.

“We are hoping they would heed the advice of the President,” Hernandez said as he brushed off allegations by the Kiram family that the DFA neglected the Sabah territorial issue.

“The issue is still there. I cannot share with you what happened through the years but what I can say is that the DFA can not sleep over it and we have not neglected the issue,” he said.

Hernandez said the DFA does not formulate foreign policies but merely implements foreign policies set by higher authorities.

“The foreign policies are set by the architect of foreign policy which is the President,” he said. — Michaela del Callar/RSJ, GMA News

Diplomatic Drama After Filipino Militants Storm Malaysia

A diplomatic crisis is engulfing part of Borneo, after Filipino rebels seized control of a remote section of Malaysia’s Sabah state as part of an unresolved territorial dispute that stretches back centuries.


Malaysian security forces have surrounded 100 to 200 members of the Royal Army of Sulu, who have holed up in the village of Lahad Datu for the past two weeks in order to press their historic claim to the land. The Philippine and Malaysian governments are now engaged in tense negotiations in order to resolve the dispute without the use of force.

The rebels, who hail from the autonomous island province of Sulu in the southwestern Philippines, had been given until midnight on Tuesday to voluntarily leave the area, but Manila has been desperately trying to negotiate an extension to this deadline to avoid bloodshed and a tense standoff currently hangs in place.

The leader of the rebel unit is the brother of Jamalul Kiram III, one of the two main claimants to the title of Sultan of Sulu. Back in the 17th century, before the Philippines existed in its present form, the two principle sultanates in the region were Sulu and Brunei. In 1658, the Sultan of Brunei for some reason gave Sabah to the Sultanate of Sulu, which today is considered part of the Philippines.

However, the picture is further complicated by an 1878 deal between the Sultanate of Sulu and the British North Borneo Company, in which Sabah was leased to the Europeans on a rolling contract. To this day, the Malaysian government pays a token sum, equivalent to around $1,500, to the Philippines every year in recognition of this continuing arrangement. The Royal Army of Sulu interprets this deal as a lease that can be canceled, while Malaysia believes that it represents the permanent transfer of the territory.

It does not appear that the Malaysian authorities are willing to give up the land, which boasts valuable petroleum reserves, palm-oil plantations and also serves as an agricultural and manufacturing hub. Regional commentators have accused the Sulu rebels of trying to exploit past claims as a gateway toward ensuring future prosperity. “The governments of Malaysia and the Philippines are trying to manage this incident carefully,” Jonah Blank, senior political scientist specializing in Southeast Asia for RAND Corp., a global policy think-tank, tells TIME. ”We’ve seen many Muslim rebel groups arise or take refuge in the southern part of the Philippines, and Malaysia has brokered a fragile cease-fire: neither Kuala Lumpur nor Manila is eager to see that fall apart.”

Philippine President Benigno Aquino III on Tuesday appealed to Kiram to instruct his brother to end the occupation. “If you are truly the leader of your people, you should be one with us in ordering your followers to return home peacefully,” he said during a statement aired on national TV. On Sunday, Manila sent the Philippine navy ship BRP Tagbanua to Borneo carrying Filipino-Muslim leaders, social workers and medical personnel for a “humanitarian mission” to bring their compatriots home. However, Royal Army of Sulu sources indicate that the rebels are not willing to entertain such a retreat.

Some observers believe that the timing of the occupation is designed to disrupt the Malaysian national elections that are due before the end of June, and the issue has now become a political hot potato domestically. The Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility, a Philippine NGO, on Tuesday released a joint statement condemning the arbitrary detention of three al-Jazeera journalists who were in Sabah to report on the standoff. The group was eventually released after being held and interrogated for at least six hours.

Liew Chin Tong, a Democratic Action Party MP and shadow Defense Minister for the Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition of Malaysia, tells TIME that the country is now suffering the consequences of decades of poorly enforced border controls. “Sabah is a key state which was previously seen as a safe zone for the government but now keenly contested by the opposition,” he says. - source